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Institutional culture and internationalisation: a study of Black African academics’ experiences at Rhodes University

Reconceptualising notions of South African Indianess : a personal narrative

  • Authors: Kunvar, Yogita
  • Date: 2015
  • Subjects: East Indians -- South Africa , East Indians -- South Africa -- Ethnic identity , East Indians -- Cultural assimilation -- South Africa , National characteristics, East Indian , East Indian diaspora , Identity (Psychology) , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1961-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1948-1994 , South Africa -- Race relations
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
  • Identifier: vital:2123 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017767
  • Description: The theoretical challenge of conceptualising South African Indianess is suffused with a plethora of variables that suggest complexity. While being misleadingly homogenous, Indian identity encompasses a multitude of expressions. This thesis seeks to reconceptualise notions of South African Indianess through personal narrative. The research context is contemporary South Africa with a specific focus on Johannesburg’s East Rand Reef. Inspired by the dearth of literature on contemporary Indianess this study addresses the gap in the present discourse. Following the autoethnographic work of Motzafi-Haller (1997) and Narayan (1993) the thesis presents a layered narrative by juxtaposing the experiences of research participants with my own. Using multi-sited autoethnographic data the thesis explores the question of what it means to be Indian in relation to South Africa’s Apartheid past. By drawing on concepts in popular diaspora theory and critiquing their application, the thesis illustrates the inadequacies inherent in the definitions of diaspora and suggests a broader understanding of its application. Through exploring layers of Indianess the thesis illustrates the inherent complexity in reconceptualising South African Indianess. The study suggests that as a result of changing global and local flows, South African Indians are reconceptualising what it means to be South African Indian.
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  • Date Issued: 2015

Facilitating and renegotiating Afrikaans youth identities: Die Antwoord phenomenon

  • Authors: Meintjes, Stephané Ruth
  • Date: 2014
  • Subjects: Die Antwoord , Die Antwoord -- I Fink U Freeky , Identity (Psychology) -- Social aspects , Afrikaner nationalism , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Psychology , South Africa -- Race relations , Music, Influence of -- South Africa
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:3538 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015655
  • Description: This thesis reports on a project which investigated how young native, Afrikaans-speaking Rhodes University students responded to the musical outfit Die Antwoord and to their music video “I Fink U Freeky”. The study attempted to establish how a selected group of Afrikaans-speaking students consisting of Whites, Coloureds and Blacks interpret the work of Die Antwoord as well as their own Afrikaans identity. The purpose of the study was to interrogate the relationship between artistic media, citizenship and belonging to a particular group. The thesis reports on the ways in which interviewees in the group discussions responded to notions of identity, whiteness, class, race, hybridity and creolization registered in the music video which was used to prompt the discussions. Finally the thesis reports on findings regarding the relationship between citizenship and the artistic media. The enormous change in the socio-political position of Afrikaans-speakers in the post -1994 dispensation provides the social context of the study. The project utilised qualitative research and a reception study of the music was undertaken by means of focus group discussions in order to arrive at thick descriptions in an attempt to understand the contextual behaviour of the participants. It was postulated that Die Antwoord provides a discursive site within which audiences could generate their own innovative meanings regarding being Afrikaans. While there was no clear indication that the identities of the participants was constructed by the media, the video prompted discussions regarding identity and provided evidence that media texts are capable of stimulating an interrogation of identities. It emerged that all participants, while abandoning some aspects of Afrikaans culture, strongly embraced and highly valued the language. Participants did not regard race as an important aspect of citizenship. Vociferous discussions regarding class demonstrated how media texts can influence citizenship. Discussions about hybridization and creolization demonstrated how the media can challenge received conceptions regarding citizenship. Responses provided evidence that the media could stimulate new forms of citizenship and contribute to the inclusion of previously excluded subjects. The research findings clearly demonstrate links between artistic media, citizenship and belonging to a group of Afrikaanses rather than Afrikaners. Post- 1994 young Afrikaans-speakers in this study provided clear evidence that they are exploring new and alternative ways of being Afrikaans.
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  • Date Issued: 2014

Race, class and inequality: an exploration of the scholarship of Professor Bernard Magubane

  • Authors: Tanyanyiwa, Precious
  • Date: 2011
  • Subjects: Magubane, Bernard -- Knowledge and learning , South Africa -- Race relations , Sociology -- South Africa , Race -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Social classes -- South Africa
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
  • Identifier: vital:3324 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003112 , Magubane, Bernard -- Knowledge and learning , South Africa -- Race relations , Sociology -- South Africa , Race -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Social classes -- South Africa
  • Description: This thesis begins with the assumption that the theory of academic dependency provides an adequate framework within which the relationship between social science communities in the North and South can be understood. Present problems of social scientists in the South have very often been attributed to this dependence and it has been concluded that academic dependence has resulted in an uncritical and imitative approach to ideas and concepts from the West (Alatas, 2000). This dependence has also resulted in the general regression among social scientists based in the South and in a marginalisation of their works within the social science community no matter how significant and original they may be. The problematic invisibility of the works of prominent South African scholars is a dimension of a wider crisis of academic dependence, if unchecked this current trend will also reinforce academic dependence. From the nature of the problems generated by academic dependence, it is obvious that there is a need for an intellectual emancipation movement. This movement may take different forms that may range from but are not limited to a commitment to endogeneity which involves among other things, knowledge production that takes South African local conditions seriously enough to be the basis for the development of distinct conceptual ideas and theories. This requires transcending the tendency to use ‘the local’ primarily as a tool for data collection and theoretical framing done from the global north. Secondly, there is a need to take the local, indigenous, ontological narratives seriously enough to serve as source codes for works of distinct epistemological value and exemplary ideas within the global project of knowledge production. Endogeneity in the context of African knowledge production should also involve an intellectual standpoint derived from a rootedness in the African conditions; a centring of African ontological discourses and experiences as the basis of intellectual work (Adesina, 2008: 135). In this study, it is suggested that the recommendations highlighted above can only succeed if scholars make an effort to actually engage with locally produced knowledge. There is therefore a need to make greater efforts to know each other’s work on Africa. This demand is not to appease individual egos but it is essential for progress in scientific work. African communities will benefit from drawing with greater catholicity from the well–spring of knowledge about Africa generated by Africans. In the South African context, transcending academic dependence in the new generation of young academics requires engagement with the work of our local scholars who have devoted their lives to knowledge production. This thesis explores the scholarship of Professor Bernard Magubane by engaging with his works on race, class and inequality by locating his works within the wider debates on race, class and inequality in South Africa. The specific contributions of Professor Magubane to the enterprise of knowledge production are identified and discussed in relation to his critique of Western social science in its application to Africa. The making of Professor Magubane’s life, his career, scholarship and biography details are analysed with the intention of showing their influence on Magubane as a Scholar. The examination of Professor Magubane’s intellectual and biographical accounts help to explain the details, contexts and implications of his theoretical paradigm shifts. This helps prove that Professor Magubane’s experiences and theoretical positions were socially and historically constituted. The research from which this thesis derives is part of an NRF-funded project, on Endogeneity and Modern Sociology in South Africa, under the direction of Professor Jimi Adesina.
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  • Date Issued: 2011

A phenomenological exploration of adoptive parents' motivation for and experience of transracial adoption in South Africa

  • Authors: Attwell, Terry-Anne
  • Date: 2004
  • Subjects: Interracial adoption -- South Africa , Race awareness in children -- South Africa , Prejudices in children -- South Africa , Adoption -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Children's rights -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2927 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002436 , Interracial adoption -- South Africa , Race awareness in children -- South Africa , Prejudices in children -- South Africa , Adoption -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Children's rights -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations
  • Description: Prior to the democratic elections of 1994, South Africa was daunted by legislation flooded with racial segregation. Adoption across racial lines is, because of South Africa’s racially segregated past, a relatively recent phenomenon in this country. The number of legal adoptions has increased dramatically, especially after its legalization in 1991. Parents may adopt across racial lines for an array of different reasons, from not being able to conceive a baby, to wanting to give a child the best opportunity in life. This study explored the experiences of white parents who have adopted black children, paying particular attention to how they deal with issues of “racial” identity. In-depth interviews were used to generate qualitative data pertaining to the parental perceptions of their motivation for, and experiences of adopting a child transracially in South Africa. The study aimed to explore their motivation for adopting and experiences, as well as issues relating to “racial” identity. Recommendations have been made to assist parents who are interested in adopting transracially. The report presents findings relating to the unique characteristics of the participants who have adopted transracially. These include adopters’ motivation and thought processes before taking the relevant steps to adopt transracially; the support that they have received from others in their decision to adopt transracially; communication patterns; their relevant concerns regarding the future of their adopted child; and issues pertaining to race, culture, heritage, prejudices and stereotypes. The findings suggest that parents were pragmatic, without regrets, in their views about adopting across racial lines. The parents’ motivations for adopting across racial lines were very similar to various perspectives, but were all due to the fact that they were unable to have biological children. Parents were aware of the child’s identity and cultural issues, which may be more perceptible in the future. Their perceptions, views and opinions, and the future concerns of their children were not unrealistic. Due to the children’s young age a follow-up study of these children should be considered.
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  • Date Issued: 2004

Brian P Bunting: guardian of the revolution: the role of the left in the NDR

The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South Africa

  • Authors: Ryklief, Cheryl Cecelia
  • Date: 1996
  • Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Apartheid -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Race relations , Black people -- South Africa -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Social conditions
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , thesis
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218 , vital:30521
  • Description: This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. , Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
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  • Date Issued: 1996

The failure of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council and its constitutional repercussions, 1956-1985

  • Authors: Saks, David
  • Date: 1992
  • Subjects: South African Labour Party , Federal Coloured People's Party -- South Africa , South Africa. Parliament , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , South Africa -- Race relations , Coloured Persons Representative Council of South Africa , Colored people (South Africa) -- Politics and government , Political parties -- South Africa
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2624 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015907
  • Description: The thesis starts by providing a brief overview of South African ''Coloured" politics from the passing of Ordinance 50 in 1828 to the removal of the Cape Coloured people from the common voter's roll in 1956. It then goes on to discuss in detail the structures instituted by successive Nationalist Governments to serve as an alternative to parliamentary representation for the coloured people, the role of the various coloured political parties within such structures and the latter's gradual adaptation and development, culminating in the inauguration of the Tricameral Parliament in early 1985. The thesis is, on the one hand, a detailed record of coloured political activity following the loss of common roll voting rights in the Cape, focusing on specifically coloured political parties rather than on broader, non-ethnic resistance movements in which many coloured people took part during the same period. This covers the rise and rapid decline of a conservative grouping within the coloured community which sought to foster an exclusively coloured nationalism operating within the Government's policy of parallel development, and attempted to use the Coloured Persons' Representative Council as a means towards achieving the economic, social and political upliftment of the coloured people. It also deals with the important role of the Labour Party after 1966, showing how a moderate resistance movement carne to use the Council as a platform from which to confront the Government's apartheid policies and to render the institutions of parallel development unworkable through noncooperation and boycotting. The second important preoccupation of the thesis concerns the ambiguous and often contradictory attitudes towards the "coloured question" within the National Party itself. This ambivalence, it is argued, not only had much to do with the eventual failure of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council to become a viable substitute for Parliamentary representation acceptable to the majority of coloured people, but was also a primary cause of the National Party split in 1982. It shows too how the collapse of Grand Apartheid had its origins in the failure to incorporate the coloured population within its framework. The thesis is concerned primarily with coloured political developments. When relevant, however, the establishment and development of representative institutions for the Indian people is also dealt with, in so far as this overlaps with issues and events concerning the coloured Council. Finally, the five year period following the dissolution of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council in 1980 and the inauguration of the Tricameral Parliament in 1985 is briefly dealt with in a concluding chapter. This mainly concerns the gradual accommodation reached between the Government and the Labour Party when the latter eventually agreed, conditionally, to take part in the new constitution.
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  • Date Issued: 1992

A brutal harvest: The roots and legitimation of violence on farms in South Africa

  • Authors: Segal, Lauren
  • Date: 1990?
  • Subjects: Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Social aspects , Child agricultural laborers -- South Africa , Farms -- South Africa , Violence -- South Africa , Forced migration -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , book
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65551 , vital:28809
  • Description: Extensive evidence of atrocities committed against black workers on white-owned farms has consistently been uncovered by progressive organisations working in the rural areas in South Africa. The evidence suggests the need for a thorough and systematic investigation of the nature and extent of violence on the farms, as well as a more systematic exposure of the findings. For the most part, the personality of rural South Africa remains a mystery to urban dwellers. The Black Sash and its rural project, the Transvaal Rural Action Committee (TRAC), approached the Project for the Study of Violence to undertake this research and this report was first presented at the Project's seminar programme at the University of the Witwatersrand. Its findings have provoked strong responses from the farming sector. Kobus Kleyhans, the Deputy Director, General Services of the South African Agricultural Union (SAAU), was quoted in The Star as saying, ‘According to my observations, the situation (on the farms) is quite different. I reject these findings with contempt; they are nothing near the real situation... I will not deny, that some farmers do not treat their workers as they should, but this sort of information is not representative’. (The Star; October 1990) In reply, it should be emphasised that firstly, while this study was conducted only in the South Eastern Transvaal, the case studies in this report are not isolated incidents but were selected out of a large range of similar occurrences in the area. Secondly, rural advice offices in the Western and Northern Transvaal, have reported similar cases of violent abuse of labourers on white owned farms in their areas. Although the specific contours of the communities in these regions have not been investigated, some of the case studies directly corroborate the findings of this report. The timing of this report is opportune as it coincides with President De Klerk’s announcement that the Land Acts of 1913 and 1936 are to be abolished. These Acts have been pivotal in forging and determining the violent and exploitative relations on the land. The announcement is therefore welcomed as a significant step towards creating the conditions for changing the balance of power on the land. At the same time, this report serves as a warning against the belief that the scrapping of the Land Acts will put an end to the varying forms of violence on the farms. Just as repealing these laws will not necessarily ensure equitable redistribution of the land in South Africa, so too do they not necessarily signal a move towards more equitable labour relations on white farms. This report makes this clear in three ways. Firstly, the racist attitudes and convictions of many white farmers is shown to underpin much of the violence on the farms. These attitudes will prevail well after the scrapping of the Acts. A reversal of these attitudes will only take place after a lengthy educative process undertaken by groups such as the local churches, the South African Agricultural Union, the Rural Foundation etc. Secondly, it is the very fear of white farmers and their increasingly vulnerable position, that has contributed to a growing pattern of abusive behaviour against farmworkers. The strength of the opposition of hundreds of white farmers to the scrapping of the Land Acts was demonstrated in their march on the union buildings just after the announcement was made. Thirdly, the networks that have contributed - directly and indirectly - to the violence on the farms, such as the courts and police, are still firmly entrenched in the rural areas. For these reasons, a campaign against against farmworker abuse is more pertinent than ever before. We are calling for several steps to be taken. , Revised Edition
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  • Date Issued: 1990?

Coloured labour relations and political organisation: past developments and a scenario

  • Authors: Natherson, R
  • Date: 1988-11
  • Subjects: Industrial relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , book
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66392 , vital:28944 , ISBN 0797202048
  • Description: The rise and development of ‘Coloured’ labour relations and political organisations form the central theme of this study. These two areas of South African contemporary history have received comparatively little attention for a number of reasons. Not the least of these is the controversial issue of whether or not it is justifiable or accurate to treat ‘Coloureds’ as a separate and identifiable group apart from the black majority. The term ‘Coloured’ as used in the South African context refers to those people often described in other societies as of mixed race, mulattos or half-castes. Within this study the term ‘Coloured with a capital C and hereafter without apostrophes is used to avoid confusion with ‘coloured1 meaning black. Black is used in the general sense of all those people not being White. The impact of organized Coloured politics, however, has been greater than their minority status would suggest, especially in the Cape, and in particular in the Western Cape, where most of the people described as Coloured live. When Coloured political mobilization started in the 1890’s, it centered in Cape Town. The founding of the first successful Coloured political movement, the African Political Organization (APO), marked the start of successful black political mobilization on a national scale in South Africa. Other Coloured organisations which emerged after the APO made important contributions to the tactics and ideologies of Black political leaders. Coloured intellectuals in the 1940’s propagated the principle of non-collaboration with segregatory political institutions, implemented through the tactic of the boycott, a strategy employed to good effect by contemporary Black organisations. This study is divided into three main sections. Chapters 1 and 2 trace the origins of the labour history in which past and present day developments in the industrial relations system can be viewed in relation to the political, industrial and economic systems that have evolved within South Africa since the occupation of the Western Cape by the Dutch in 1652. The initial contact between these Europeans and the indigenous inhabitants of the Cape developed a relationship which determined the pattern of interaction between Black and White South Africans the major traces of which have still remained until today. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 deal with the early history of the Coloured people, their industrial and political organisations prior to the watershed year of South African Industrial Relations, 1979, whereafter a more generalised view is adopted in order to trace the broad trends which have emerged with the new labour dispensation and its industrial enfranchisement of the Black worker. The remaining chapters concentrate on Coloured participation within the Industrial and Political arenas, particularly in the Western Cape, and offer substantiation for the postulate of a new political grouping based on socialist principles and having a similar trend in terms of its origins to that of the British Labour Party at its birth at the turn of this century. It is concluded that this grouping would be a natural home for the ‘stateless’ Coloured, and ideologically and politically would offer coherence and structure to the disparate groupings within the United Democratic Front (UDF) and form the most potential, Western Cape based political party ‘in waiting'. , This occasional paper is based on the technical report which received the Finansbank award for 1987
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  • Date Issued: 1988-11

An existential-phenomenological exploration of interracial love relationships in South Africa

  • Authors: Ross, Christopher James
  • Date: 1988
  • Subjects: Interpersonal relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2900 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002064
  • Description: The aim of the study was to explicate the experience of interracial love relationships between Blacks and Whites in South Africa. As a point of departure, a basic question was established which would elicit the actual experience of this phenomenon. The researcher conducted twelve interviews and chose the six psychologically richest accounts. The researcher then analysed in detail (using the phenomenological method) the resulting protocols comprising the interviews. The researcher then explicated the experience and discovered that interracial love was a historical process of going through a relationship over time. The subjects experienced a particular historical background in the face of which they felt unfulfilled which brought about the potential to search for authenticity in a particular way. The subjects were placed in a situation where interracial love became a possibility. The subjects saw the other as human and fell in love. A new horizon emerged and a learning experience, about themselves and the world, occurred. The element of conflict was always present which was exacerbated by the South African Apartheid system. Subjects experienced fulfillment and disappointment depending on whether or not their historical demand was met. This structure of the experience was dialogued with the writings of existential-phenomenological philosophers and psychologists and also with that of previous research in the context of discussing particular areas of psychological significance such as historical background and Apartheid, racism, alienation, motives for interracial love, love and the universality of human nature and interracial love as a learning experience.
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  • Date Issued: 1988

AZASO: tribute to women

  • Authors: AZASO Western Cape Region
  • Date: 1983?
  • Subjects: Tamana, Dora , Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa , Women civil rights workers -- South Africa , Anti-apartheid activists -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , book
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66212 , vital:28918
  • Description: As women in South Africa, it is important for us to understand the nature of our oppression, for it is only after understanding it, can we identify the target of our attack and plan the appropriate strategy and tactics for our struggle. Black women in South Africa suffer three types of oppression. 1. Political oppression, which is common to all blacks in South Africa, ie. the denial of rights to vote for or choose the type of government we want, and the denial of rights as a people in South Africa. 2. Economic oppression as black workers in South Africa. Black women workers are even more exploited than men workers. They are paid lower wages for the same job, are treated as temporary staff and can be fired at anytime especially if they fall pregnant. 3. Social oppression which stems from the idea that women are born inferior to men and therefore have to play an inferior role in society. The socialization process starts at birth and women and men are geared towards certain roles in society. Men most often towards leadership positions and professional jobs and women towards household duties and secretarial jobs. This socialization process continues throughout ones life such that most people accept it as a natural phenomenon and a way of life. Having understood the forms of oppression, we can see that the struggle is not between men and women, where men are seen as the source of our oppression. Nor is it a struggle for mechanical equality between men and women ie. being paid the same wages as men, and having equal status as men in society, because this will mean equality within the present status quo. Our struggle is a struggle between womenand the existing social order. It is a struggle of the oppressed against oppression. Our main weapons in the struggle for liberation are UNITY and ORGANISATION. Unity is realised through common effort, links are forged through collective work and study, through criticism and self-critcism and through action against opression. Organization can be achieved through women's groups and organization. A women's group's first demand should be the clarification of our ideas, to get rid of miscosepts and erroneous ideas concerning the role and liberation of women. A women's group usually tackles the question of social oppresion, but more important, it must be seen as a stepping stone towards involvement in the broader struggle can we destroy the foundations of exploitative society and rebuild society on new foundations. Foundations built on the demands of the FREEDOM CHARTER. “The fundamental struggle is for national liberation of the oppressed people of South Africa, and any women's organization that stands outside this struggle must stand apart from the mass of women. What was realised by the Federation of South African Women was that it would be impossible for women to achieve their rights as women in a society in which so many fundamental rights are denied to both men and women by virtue of their colour and their class. Therefore just as there can be no revolution without the liberation of women, the struggle for women's emancipation cannot succeed without the victory of the revolution".
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  • Date Issued: 1983?

PFP, Progressive Federal Party: the PFP stands for-

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