Hegemon and handmaiden: a neo-gramscian approach to South Africa’s position in the global political economy
- Authors: Koza, Zintle
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Hegemony
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18325 , vital:42252
- Description: Despite its assumed leadership of and investment in the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), South Africa has not developed its own hegemonic project and is consequently unable to exert significant influence over the ideas of the two institutions. Rooted in Antonio Gramsci’s absolute historicism, which locates decisions and actions at the level of the state within specific contexts, Robert Cox’s Method of Historical Structures (MHS) offers a framework that enables an approach informed by Critical Theory to analysing and empirically understanding the underlying factors of this situation. Utilising the three elements of the MHS, namely, material capabilities, ideas and institutions, and applying them to the context of international relations, it was found that South Africa’s choices have been informed by the global context of the post-USSR global arena it entered in 1990. The triumph of the neoliberal world order led by the United States framed the context of South Africa’s engagement with Africa and the world, with its choices informed by a composite of neoliberally defined global social relations of production and ideas that had already elicited global consent. South Africa’s organisation of material capabilities and resources was thus limited within the parameters of a neoliberal world order, and the predominance of institutions that facilitated the penetration of neoliberalism, regionally and globally. The global hegemonic order relies on surrogates for its functioning and South Africa’s subsequent domestic adherence to the hegemonic neoliberal order has been transferred to SADC and, to a limited extent, to the AU through the policies and institutional projects that South Africa has championed since 1994. Nonetheless, in the face of persistent inequality and poverty, internal contestation to this adherence has emanated from trade unions and civil society organisations. It was found that the continued and intensifying domestic contestation iii reinforces the lack of a domestic hegemonic project that could have been projected externally to SADC and the AU, so that South Africa, as a dominant peripheral state in the global world order, displays more characteristics of handmaiden than hegemon.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Koza, Zintle
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Hegemony
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18325 , vital:42252
- Description: Despite its assumed leadership of and investment in the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), South Africa has not developed its own hegemonic project and is consequently unable to exert significant influence over the ideas of the two institutions. Rooted in Antonio Gramsci’s absolute historicism, which locates decisions and actions at the level of the state within specific contexts, Robert Cox’s Method of Historical Structures (MHS) offers a framework that enables an approach informed by Critical Theory to analysing and empirically understanding the underlying factors of this situation. Utilising the three elements of the MHS, namely, material capabilities, ideas and institutions, and applying them to the context of international relations, it was found that South Africa’s choices have been informed by the global context of the post-USSR global arena it entered in 1990. The triumph of the neoliberal world order led by the United States framed the context of South Africa’s engagement with Africa and the world, with its choices informed by a composite of neoliberally defined global social relations of production and ideas that had already elicited global consent. South Africa’s organisation of material capabilities and resources was thus limited within the parameters of a neoliberal world order, and the predominance of institutions that facilitated the penetration of neoliberalism, regionally and globally. The global hegemonic order relies on surrogates for its functioning and South Africa’s subsequent domestic adherence to the hegemonic neoliberal order has been transferred to SADC and, to a limited extent, to the AU through the policies and institutional projects that South Africa has championed since 1994. Nonetheless, in the face of persistent inequality and poverty, internal contestation to this adherence has emanated from trade unions and civil society organisations. It was found that the continued and intensifying domestic contestation iii reinforces the lack of a domestic hegemonic project that could have been projected externally to SADC and the AU, so that South Africa, as a dominant peripheral state in the global world order, displays more characteristics of handmaiden than hegemon.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
The Role of the Mnquma Local Municipality in Addressing Xenophobic Tensions between Foreign Shop Owners and Local Community Members in South Africa: A case study of Butterworth; 2010-2012
- Authors: Ndinisa, Sibongile
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia Foreign workers
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18221 , vital:42243
- Description: The study examines the role played by the Mnquma Local municipality in addressing xenophobic violence in Butterworth between 2010 and 2012 and subsequent sporadic tensions. The study also examines the causes as well as the sporadic recurrence of xenophobic tensions between foreign shop owners and local community members in Butterworth. Due to the nature of the study, ethnographic fieldwork was considered the most practical and suitable method in getting necessary responses regarding the study. The data collection instruments used were in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. Participants comprised 15 foreign shop owners, 15 local community members. In addition, three interviews were conducted with relevant Mnquma Local Municipality officials who had been involved in addressing xenophobic tensions in Butterworth. In order to understand the dynamics of xenophobic tensions in Butterworth, the study employed two theories; the Scapegoating theory and Relative Deprivation theory. The study established that the causes of xenophobic tensions were largely due to the poor socio-economic situation in the Mnquma Municipality, which resulted in high rates of poverty, unemployment and competition for resources and business opportunities. Furthermore, misinformation on media platforms about foreign nationals and the inadequate opportunities for interaction also exacerbated tensions. Moreover, it was uncovered that the Mnquma Local Municipality did not have effective mechanisms to address xenophobic tensions. The study recommends that the municipality addresses service delivery needs of both locals and foreign nationals as this will create a safe and peaceful environment for foreign nationals to coexist with locals in Butterworth. x The study further urges the Mnquma Local Municipality to formulate an antixenophobia unit that can detect and combat any sign of xenophobia in all communities in Butterworth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Ndinisa, Sibongile
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia Foreign workers
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18221 , vital:42243
- Description: The study examines the role played by the Mnquma Local municipality in addressing xenophobic violence in Butterworth between 2010 and 2012 and subsequent sporadic tensions. The study also examines the causes as well as the sporadic recurrence of xenophobic tensions between foreign shop owners and local community members in Butterworth. Due to the nature of the study, ethnographic fieldwork was considered the most practical and suitable method in getting necessary responses regarding the study. The data collection instruments used were in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. Participants comprised 15 foreign shop owners, 15 local community members. In addition, three interviews were conducted with relevant Mnquma Local Municipality officials who had been involved in addressing xenophobic tensions in Butterworth. In order to understand the dynamics of xenophobic tensions in Butterworth, the study employed two theories; the Scapegoating theory and Relative Deprivation theory. The study established that the causes of xenophobic tensions were largely due to the poor socio-economic situation in the Mnquma Municipality, which resulted in high rates of poverty, unemployment and competition for resources and business opportunities. Furthermore, misinformation on media platforms about foreign nationals and the inadequate opportunities for interaction also exacerbated tensions. Moreover, it was uncovered that the Mnquma Local Municipality did not have effective mechanisms to address xenophobic tensions. The study recommends that the municipality addresses service delivery needs of both locals and foreign nationals as this will create a safe and peaceful environment for foreign nationals to coexist with locals in Butterworth. x The study further urges the Mnquma Local Municipality to formulate an antixenophobia unit that can detect and combat any sign of xenophobia in all communities in Butterworth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
‘The Perceptions of Marginalization by the Ndebele people and its Impact on the Socio-Political Economy of Zimbabwe. A Case of Bulawayo
- Authors: Ndlovu, Bekithemba
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: International organization
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18233 , vital:42244
- Description: The study set out to investigate the perceptions of marginalisation by the Ndebele people and its impact on the socio-political economy of Bulawayo. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources of data. In-depth interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires formed the main sources of primary data. A review of journal articles and books were the main sources of secondary data. The study found out that perceptions of marginalisation among the study group were attributed to lack of employment, poor services, and history of violence, among others. The findings also reveal that the impact of perceived marginalisation of the Ndebele people include rise in levels of crime, abandonment of language, emigration and radicalism. The study recommends the decentralization of the Zimbabwean government and a national dialogue on the Gukurahundi
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Ndlovu, Bekithemba
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: International organization
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18233 , vital:42244
- Description: The study set out to investigate the perceptions of marginalisation by the Ndebele people and its impact on the socio-political economy of Bulawayo. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources of data. In-depth interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires formed the main sources of primary data. A review of journal articles and books were the main sources of secondary data. The study found out that perceptions of marginalisation among the study group were attributed to lack of employment, poor services, and history of violence, among others. The findings also reveal that the impact of perceived marginalisation of the Ndebele people include rise in levels of crime, abandonment of language, emigration and radicalism. The study recommends the decentralization of the Zimbabwean government and a national dialogue on the Gukurahundi
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Elections as Drivers of Political Instability in Africa: A Case Study of Lesotho
- Authors: Moorosi, Mantsoaki
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Elections Political parties -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/16462 , vital:40722
- Description: The study sets out to investigate elections as drivers to political instability in Africa, using Lesotho as a case study from 2012 to 2017. It employs primary and secondary sources of data. The period is of interest for two reasons. Firstly, the continuing instability post three successive free and fair elections, and secondly, the advent of Coalition Governments. The structure adheres to two theoretical frameworks namely, a) Huntington’s two turn-over test and, b) Karl’s Fallacy of Electoralism. In order to investigate how elections could or could not be drivers to political instability, the researcher looked at the different forms of political instability in Lesotho. These include attempted coup d’état, assassinations and violation of territorial sovereignty. The later form being peculiar to the period under study as the other forms had occurred at some stage through the political history of this country. It further asserts uncertainty of hung Parliament and politicised institutions as attributes to the recurrence of political instability. It concludes that Lesotho is a deviant case from the two turn over test. The scope of the study supports the fallacy of electoralism. Several recommendations have been presented. These include that Government of Lesotho should amend the Constitution on the functions and powers of the King, Politicians should implement the promises they made to the electorates during campaigns, and regulate or abolish floor crossing in Parliament amongst others.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Moorosi, Mantsoaki
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Elections Political parties -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/16462 , vital:40722
- Description: The study sets out to investigate elections as drivers to political instability in Africa, using Lesotho as a case study from 2012 to 2017. It employs primary and secondary sources of data. The period is of interest for two reasons. Firstly, the continuing instability post three successive free and fair elections, and secondly, the advent of Coalition Governments. The structure adheres to two theoretical frameworks namely, a) Huntington’s two turn-over test and, b) Karl’s Fallacy of Electoralism. In order to investigate how elections could or could not be drivers to political instability, the researcher looked at the different forms of political instability in Lesotho. These include attempted coup d’état, assassinations and violation of territorial sovereignty. The later form being peculiar to the period under study as the other forms had occurred at some stage through the political history of this country. It further asserts uncertainty of hung Parliament and politicised institutions as attributes to the recurrence of political instability. It concludes that Lesotho is a deviant case from the two turn over test. The scope of the study supports the fallacy of electoralism. Several recommendations have been presented. These include that Government of Lesotho should amend the Constitution on the functions and powers of the King, Politicians should implement the promises they made to the electorates during campaigns, and regulate or abolish floor crossing in Parliament amongst others.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
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